Who is wilfrid laurier

He was however firm in his opposition to Borden's policy of conscription, arguing that enlistment must be voluntary. The Liberal Party split over the issue of conscription and was consequently heavily defeated at the general election. In the Union coalition government Borden formed after the election a number of Liberals accepted posts.

Sir Wilfrid Laurier died on 17 February Popular to the end his funeral was witnessed by some 50, people who lined the streets of Ottawa. Laflamme took him into his law office as an articled clerk. On 2 Oct.

Laurier fitted in so well that he served as first vice-president from May until the fall of Laurier would never forget his skirmishes with Bourget. On 3 Oct. This son of an ordinary surveyor, who had finally achieved professional status, cut a striking, even astonishing figure. Slim and more than six feet tall, he took meticulous care of his wavy, chestnut hair, which threatened to spill over his broad forehead. He was genuinely handsome. He had the face of a thinker and artist, marked with a certain nobility, but his pale complexion and gentle, delicate features gave a disquieting impression of fragility.

His good looks never matured and left him and others somewhat anxious about his health. Intelligent and ambitious, although easygoing and a bit of a daydreamer and romantic, he cultivated benevolence and affability.

He was capable of disarming frankness and admirable loyalty to his friends, and he defended his convictions stubbornly, with implacable logic, while showing great tolerance of different opinions. His calm, reserved, almost timid appearance concealed his capacity for leadership. A realist who liked to take men and things as they were and who may already have lost his religious faith, he feared two things: the swift flight of time, and death.

They were recurring causes of anguish to the young lawyer. At heart he was an intellectual with little inclination to physical exercise but a passion for political action. Laurier practised law initially in Montreal but experienced periods of difficulty there. On 11 March Laurier was alone and penniless. At the end of October the cruel illness required drastic treatment that was made possible by a combination of circumstances within which politics played a key role.

Laurier had, in fact, been involved in politics ever since he finished university. In August he had joined with the Liberals of Lower Canada, both radicals and moderates, in denouncing the proposed confederation. They argued that it would give too many powers to the central government and lead to the annihilation of the French Canadians, who should at least be consulted.

It was all in vain. On 10 March the Legislative Assembly of the Province of Canada approved the plan by 91 votes to There Laurier would find the opportunity to pursue both his struggle against confederation and the drastic treatment — fresh country air — essential for his bronchitis.

We are being handed over to the English majority. On 1 July confederation was officially proclaimed. At the age of 25 Wilfrid Laurier suddenly had to reorganize his life. Once the shock of these set-backs had subsided and his health had improved, Laurier accepted the challenge without delay. He decided to settle permanently in the Bois-Francs region, at Arthabaskaville Arthabaska where he took up residence in mid September The administrative and judicial seat of the county, Arthabaskaville, with its storybook landscape, had a population of about , of whom 96 per cent were French-speaking.

He became so well integrated into local society that he was elected alderman, mayor, and, in , county warden. He looked after the affairs of the parish community and church on a regular basis.

In his political responsibilities made it necessary for him to move to Ottawa, but, as his correspondence shows, he would never forget the charm and tranquillity of Arthabaskaville, to which he would return at Christmas and during seasonal holidays. He had always refused to ask for her hand on the grounds that he was too ill and poor, but when Dr Gauthier told him she was about to marry another suitor even though she still loved him, he hurried off to Montreal.

That very evening, without Carolus or any of his family being present, he was married, and he then immediately returned alone to Arthabaskaville, where an urgent case awaited him. On the whole it was a happy marriage, though not always. In he became infatuated with this brilliant and highly cultured woman, who shared his literary tastes and his interest in things English.

Their romantic liaison was the most famous in Canadian political history. Their letters bear witness to a genuine love, but was it platonic? No one knows for certain. Their involvement apparently lasted until about , when political necessity took precedence. In the summer of Laurier had also reorganized his professional life. His practice concentrated mainly on general law and never had the advantage of any famous cases.

Undoubtedly the star of his firm, Laurier to his great regret gradually had to reduce his share of the day-to-day work because of ever-increasing political obligations. The practice of law did not make him wealthy or enable him to accumulate the money he needed for his growing responsibilities within the Liberal party. He found this situation trying and complained about it regularly. The financial security Laurier wanted so badly would become his after the election of 23 June , which brought him to power in Ottawa.

He closed his law office in Arthabaskaville and appointed his partner Joseph Lavergne to the bench. This ideal situation did not mean, however, that he made no investments after Although he claimed not to have any skill in financial matters, he had in the past attempted to put his money to work.

On 1 Aug. Now they want me to be a candidate and I will not refuse. I might as well work for myself as for others. In the end, probably to avoid deepening rifts among them, Laurier decided not to run in the general election of late August and early September ; the first contest held since confederation, it was to choose members for the Quebec Legislative Assembly and the Canadian House of Commons.

Like the Rouge and Liberal he had always claimed to be, he fought to the end in the party struggles that brought his Liberal-Conservative opponents to power in Canada and in Quebec. Before making his official entry into public life, Laurier had to settle two prerequisites for his future success. First he had to make up his mind whether he would accept once and for all the confederation he had but recently been denouncing. Having taken a step in that direction in the summer of , he opted for the affirmative.

Second, he had to decide whether he would continue adhering to the Rouge philosophy articulated by the now nearly defunct Institut Canadien, whose popular support was dwindling. This time he answered in the negative.

Radical liberalism was for him a thing of the past to be replaced by moderate liberalism of the classic British Whig type, which respected the popular will and was, he hoped, less threatening to the Roman Catholic clergy. From then on Laurier could think of nothing but the day when he would be elected to the provincial legislature. This day came in the summer of , a crucial year that marked the turning-point in his life. From 28 May Laurier conducted an intense campaign for the riding of Drummond and Arthabaska.

To the local Catholic clergy, who called him a Rouge and a revolutionary obsessed with liberty, Laurier responded with a balanced platform addressing the current major election issues.

It touched on education, colonization, and agriculture, for which funding had to be increased, on the abolition of the Legislative Council, and on industrial development, the cure for the scourge of emigration. In fact, he took an active part only in the first session, in November and December , but he did good work then. On 22 November Laurier attacked the double mandate, which allowed members to represent federal and provincial ridings simultaneously and which in enabled no fewer than 17 mla s to hold seats in Ottawa as well as at Quebec.

His terse comments stood out in the debate. Many people felt that a formidable orator had made his mark, yet except for rare occasions Laurier made no further appearances. Perhaps he was too disappointed with the milieu. Perhaps he succumbed to boredom or was too busy with his law practice.

One thing is certain: he was distressed by the lamentable state of his party. The Liberal party was indeed in a sorry condition. With no real program and no extra-parliamentary organization, it was still bearing the heavy burden of its radical past. Like other members, Laurier realized the time had come for serious thinking and dramatic action. The future lay in a renewal of Liberal thought and in a dynamic party that would bring together both Liberals and Conservatives who were eager to seize the reins of power and put principles ahead of selfish interests.

From the time he entered politics, the member for Drummond and Arthabaska devoted himself to this endeavour. Initially Laurier chose to wield the pen. Though hesitant at first, veteran Liberals rallied to it.

He was, in fact, one of the main forces behind it. The results of the federal election in the summer of did not, however, measure up to the hopes of the youthful members. Sir John A. Nevertheless, Laurier and the other young men had given their original party an impetus it could not entirely overlook.

In the ensuing election at the end of January and the beginning of February , Laurier seized his opportunity. He gave up his provincial seat and ran in Drummond and Arthabaska.

His campaign was short — only 27 days — as was his platform, which was simply a denunciation of Conservative corruption. There was no room this time for learned definitions of political liberalism. Victory was the only aim. It came for Laurier and the Liberals on 29 January. That evening Liberal party workers of Drummond and Arthabaska took their new mp from parish to parish in a long parade.

The year-old Laurier thrilled with joy. He had to begin, of course, by emerging from his semi-anonymity and earning his stripes one by one if he wanted to gain recognition in the Canada which was still to be built but whose foundations were as yet fragile, indeed contested. Laurier devoted the first phase of his parliamentary career, from to , to the task of carving out a place for himself. To win the attention of his colleagues, he relied on his eloquence.

He attracted notice as early as 30 March when he spoke in support of the address in reply to the speech from the throne. In French, he made a threefold profession of faith — in his country, in his party, whose liberalism he immediately identified with liberalism as practised in England, and in his government. His speech was an instant success. Like other Quebec Liberals, he simply used the issue to weaken the Conservatives still further. In the commons on 15 April, however, his speech was all greatness of soul and beauty of expression.

On 12 Feb. Here again, Laurier struck a chord that was deeply moving. But he also used the occasion to explain the basis of his stand on all political questions.

There was more to be done, however. He had to make a name for himself within the Liberal organization, to become the Quebec solution to the problems faced both by the party as it evolved and by the government it had formed in Ottawa. Over time the Mackenzie administration lost much of its vigour, getting mired in the economic depression and in short-sighted policies. To make the situation even more intolerable, the ultramontane wing of the Catholic clergy gradually resumed its activity, further obscuring the distinction between doctrinaire and moderate liberals and interfering improperly in elections.

And so Laurier began again, this time resolutely and seriously, the lengthy process of winning Quebec for the Liberals. In , for example, he took an active part in the provincial election.

We, on the other hand, are liberals in the English tradition. It was a historic moment. Laurier could have destroyed his career at this point. But Laurier set aside this deceptive caution, which had led to the existing problems. His approach was pragmatic, his ambition partisan in that he wanted to help create a modern party system and a modern form of government where the Liberal party would occupy its rightful place on the political chessboard of the province.

He spoke brilliantly, sometimes with passion but more often with logic, occasionally resorting to easy eloquence. It is. That is the policy of the Liberal party and it has no other. It was a triumph for Laurier. Overnight he became a national figure, but even more, he became the leader the Quebec Liberals had awaited.

Prime Minister Mackenzie understood this impact and on 8 Oct. It was to be a rather turbulent and stressful year. The first hurdle was his re-election in Drummond and Arthabaska, as custom dictated. The relentless battle waged against him by the Conservatives brought about his defeat on 27 October. Nevertheless, the Liberals were better organized and gave him enough support that on 28 Nov. From that day until his death in , Laurier would forge such solid links with Quebec East that it would never desert him.

But the joy of victory would soon fade. The parliamentary session of the winter and spring of brought him back to harsh reality.

The Mackenzie government could not muster the energy to give adequate leadership to the country and Laurier suffered a recurrence of his illness, which several times kept him confined to bed.

He still made some fine speeches in the house and appropriately defended his work and the administration of his department, but that was all. He was more spirited during the campaign leading up to the federal election of 17 Sept. The Liberals lost by 78 seats to the Conservatives and their National Policy. Although he himself was re-elected, Laurier had not been able to prevent his opponents from winning a majority of 29 seats in Quebec.

At the age of 36 he was once more an ordinary mp in a shrunken group of 64 Liberals, only 18 of whom were from his province. Now began the difficult years from to Disillusioned and discouraged, Laurier often gave the impression of having lost interest in politics and in his own party, which suffered one set-back after another. There were also his contributions to the work of the house. Laurier also actively supported the expansion of British imperialism on the African continent through his involvement in the South African War between and , a conflict between the British Empire and Afrikaner settlers of Dutch descent over land that today falls within the borders of South Africa.

He was leader of the Liberal Party from to and served 45 years in the House of Commons. We see you are accessing our website on IE8. Search for academic programs , residence , tours and events and more. The result was a political compromise that satisfied no one. In another question divided French and English, that of the Autonomy Bills that created Alberta and Saskatchewan as provinces. What kind of schools would the provinces have? Laurier proposed one course, tried to ram it through, and lost his minister of the interior, Clifford Sifton, as a result.

Again in and , Laurier's plans for a Canadian navy troubled Quebeckers, and the Prime Minister found himself under attack in his home province by the nationalists under Henri Bourassa's leadership. The troubles were mounting, but Laurier was confident. After all, he had won the elections of , , and , and after his success in securing a long-awaited reciprocity treaty with the Americans, he was certain he had found the key to a continued hold on power.

But Canada had changed, and reciprocity frightened the manufacturers who benefited from protective tariffs. The result was a stunning defeat for Laurier and the Liberals in , a defeat that had been engineered by Conservative chief Robert Borden, Sifton, and Bourassa. Laurier took his defeat with characteristic good grace. The man seemed somehow more noble than most politicians, above the muck of the arena. His political supporters loved him in defeat and in victory, and his political foes always admired him.